Wednesday, October 26, 2011

Paul Ryan's Ideological Blinders

Jon Chait just published one of the best analyses of the conservative world-view as espoused by the Right's unofficial guardian of the faith, Paul Ryan.

Chait points out how conservatives in general and Ryan in particular twist themselves into pretzels attempting to explain one of these three positions:
  • despite all of the evidence, rising income inequality doesn't really exist
  • it does exist, but it isn't a problem
  • it does exist, and it is a problem, but it is a problem for which the only solution is, wait for it, shifting the tax burden even further away from very high income earners and onto the middle class.
Sometimes the rhetorical gymnastics required for this leads conservatives to oppose their own stated positions, as Ryan does in the speech Chait quotes when he accepts in principle the Warren Buffet secretary problem, despite the fact that he has formally proposed ending all taxation on interest, stock dividends, inherited estates, and capital gains the existing low taxes on which are collectively the main cause of the Buffet problem.

Wednesday, October 19, 2011

The Flat Tax: Bait and Switch

Rick Perry has rather predictably proposed a flat tax. Like the flat tax previously proposed by Steven Forbes, it is packaged in a dishonest way.

The selling point is that it is simple. You can fill out your taxes on a postcard! The problem with this is that the source of the real complexity in the tax code is NOT its lack of flatness. The tax code is bewilderingly complex because of the myriad of special rules, exemptions, and deductions. These features are built into the tax code because of the ability of powerful interests to lobby Congress for rules in the tax code that benefit them. 

So, if we want to simply the tax code, then we can easily do that. Many people have proposed it, but it never seems to happen. Why? It is because of the ability of powerful interests to spend large amounts of money to influence lawmakers. No one wants to give up their tax breaks.

So why is the flat tax a perennial favorite of conservative politicians? It is not about complexity. It is about shifting the tax burden away from the very wealthy onto the middle class. The flat tax dramatically lowers rates for high income earners and typically eliminates entirely taxes that fall disproportionally on the wealthy, such as taxes on capital gains, stock dividends, and inherited estates.

Herman Cain's 9-9-9 tax plan--which is also a type of flat tax--does the same thing. Paul Ryan's Roadmap (not a flat tax) did as well.

Here's a serious question: Are conservatives capable of supporting a tax plan, any tax plan, that does NOT effectively dramatically lower Warren Buffet's tax burden?

Does anyone seriously believe that the real problem in our society is that the very wealthiest Americans pay too much in taxes? Does anyone believe that the solution to the Buffet problem is to lower Warren Buffet's tax burden even more, while raising the burden on his secretary even more?

Thursday, September 29, 2011

The "Uncertainty" Fallacy

A consistent message from Republican politicians, conservative pundits and talk show hosts, and the Chamber of Commerce is that the jobless recovery we are in is the result of uncertainty in the business community brought on by the tax and regulatory policy of the Obama administration.

This claim is, not to put too fine a point on it, pure baloney. Employers aren't hiring simply because consumer demand for their products and services is depressed due to ongoing effects of the financial crisis. I could spend a lot of time laying out the evidence for this, but I don't have to. Lawrence Mischel of the Economics Policy Institute has already done this much better than I could have. His article is a devastating expose of the complete phoniness of the uncertainty argument.

It is a good read.

To get a clear indication of how phoney the "uncertainty" argument really is, see this rebuttal of Mischel's article by conservative think tank, American Enterprise Institute. It is a classic case of praising with faint damnation.

Monday, August 15, 2011

Two Reagans

As the years pass the Ronald Reagan administration looks worse and worse. Well, at least half of it does (more on that later). One of the best indications of the relative success of Reagan's economic policies is the incredibly poor quality of the writing that seeks to defend them.

This morning's USA Today offers an excellent example. In an essay entitled "The Reagan Stimulus vs. the Obama One" Paul G. Kengor seeks to show how Reagan's tax cut stimulus was a rousing success while Obama's fiscal stimulus was a complete failure. The essay gets off to a shaky start:
Reagan's initiative was the antithesis of President Obama's $800 billion "stimulus" that didn't stimulate. The 2009 version was the single greatest contributor to our record $1.5 trillion deficit. It was, plain and simple, what Reagan didn't do.
Obama's stimulus didn't stimulate? All of the independent economic analysts (CBO, Moody Analytics, etc.) that have looked at the 2009 Recovery Act have concluded that it achieved just about what the administration said it would. The problem wasn't the effectiveness of the stimulus. As I have written here before, the problem was that the economic hole we were in was much deeper than anyone knew at the time. This is not opinion. Recent revisions of GDP data have confirmed this. We are entering a very weak economic patch right now at least partly because the effects of the stimulus are pretty much over.

The stimulus was the "single greatest contributor to our record $1.5 trillion deficit"??? This one is a real howler. Anyone even marginally familiar with the data knows that the CBO predicted in January 2009 that the deficit for 2009 would be well above $1 trillion. This is BEFORE the stimulus was even proposed, and certainly before any of its provisions had taken effect. The deficit exploded in 2009 not because of the stimulus, but because of the financial crisis--tax receipts shrank and automatic safety net programs (unemployment insurance, food stamps, etc.) went up.

The opening paragraph pretty much sets the tone for the remainder of the essay, which is a hagiographic combination of remembered Reagan through a filter of selective amnesia and rose-colored glasses. He continues to extoll the virtues of the Reagan tax cuts:
The enemy that day was America's progressive federal income tax system. . . .
After a slow start through 1982-83, the stimulus effect of the cuts was extraordinary, sparking the longest peacetime expansion in U.S. history. The "Reagan Boom" not only produced widespread prosperity but—along with the attendant Soviet collapse—also helped generate budget surpluses in the 1990s.

Again, none of the primary claims in these two paragraphs are true. First, the main obstacle to economic growth in the first two years of the Reagan administration had nothing to do with tax rates. The chairman of the Federal Reserve, Paul Volker, had decided that he was going to once and for all wring inflation out of the American economy. He did this by severely restricting the money supply and raising interest rates to 21%. This is not a typo. Volker's plan worked, lowering inflation from 13.5% in 1981 to 3.2% by 1983. However, in the interim it had a devastating effect on the economy, which experienced the deepest recession since the 1930s. However, when Volker decided to declare victory over inflation and lower interest rates back to normal levels, the economy exploded. In comparison to this, the effects of Reagan's tax cuts was quite small. Indeed, the first round of tax cuts when the economy grew the fastest left the top rate at 50%, much higher than the 35% of today.

Second, Reagan devotees never tire of repeating the "longest peacetime expansion in U.S. history" line, despite the face that it simply isn't true. The Reagan expansion lasted 32 quarters from the Q4 1982 through Q3 1990. Pretty good, eh? Well, not as good as the 40 quarters of expansion from Q2 1991-Q4 2000 that began during the Bush I administration and continued throughout all of the Clinton years. Moreover, the Clinton expansion saw better job growth than the Reagan years (23 million jobs vs. 16 million jobs) and much better budget results, with Clinton leaving a substantial surplus and Reagan leaving a substantial deficit. Lastly, the Clinton economic performance occurred after two increases in the top marginal income tax rates, first in 1990 under Bush I (28% to 31%) and then again under Clinton in 1993 (31% to 39.5%). How Reagan's economic policy was responsible for economic growth during the Clinton administration is not explained. One might just as well argue that the economic policies of LBJ were responsible for all the good that occurred during the Reagan years.

In any case, comparing the Obama stimulus to the initial Reagan tax cut is a particularly pointless exercise, since the economic conditions that preceded them were wildly different. Reagan dealt with high inflation and high interest rates, but the Obama stimulus was passed during a deflationary period when interest rates were near zero.

Kengor feels it necessary to respond to the "myth" that Reagan's tax cuts were responsible for the deficit by pointing out "Tax revenues under Reagan rose from $599 billion in 1981 to nearly $1 trillion in 1989. The problem was that outlays all along outpaced revenue, soaring from $678 billion in 1981 to $1.14 trillion in 1989." The $599 billion in 1981 that Kengor cites was 19.6% of GDP that year. The nearly $1 trillion in 1989 he cites was 18.4% of GDP. Ironically, over the same period and using the very data he cites, spending went down as a percentage of GDP from 22.2% to 21.2%. So, even the data he cites demonstrates exactly the opposite of what he claims. Not only is it not a "myth" that the Reagan tax cuts caused the Reagan deficits, his own data proves it.

However, there was another Reagan, the Reagan of foreign policy achievements. In this arena Reagan was much more successful. His Teddy Rooseveltian policy of speaking softly and carrying a big stick was effective in helping to win the Cold War. He did not do this alone, as many Reagan sycophants insist. He had a lot of help from a Polish Pope, a Polish labor leader, and a man by the name of Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev. Had Gorbachev been willing to fire on his own people to prevent change, events in the eastern block would have turned out differently. Nonetheless, Reagan deserves his not insubstantial share of the credit. Unfortunately, it is this aspect of the Reagan administration--the truly successful part--that contemporary Republicans have almost completely forgotten. Be strong, yes, but engage your enemies with relentless negotiation is an approach that the Bush II administration abandoned.

Even on tax policy, Reagan's demonstrable flexibility on the subject--lowering taxes when he could, but raising taxes when necessary--is an anathema to the modern GOP. Too bad.

Saturday, August 13, 2011

Sarah as Kim

Has it occurred to anyone else what an attention whore Sarah Palin is? She shows up at Ames during the Iowa straw poll event--an event that is part of an election she is not a candidate in--just to bask in the attention she gets. Mike Huckabee isn't running either and he is there also, but at least he is playing guitar for several of the candidates.

The woman is the Kim Kardashian of the political world without the sex tape.

Friday, August 5, 2011

A Twofer

This is the first time I have referenced the same columnist's work twice in a row, but David Frum is on a roll.

A must read.

Less Politics, More Economics